Analysis · 2026 pollster scorecard
The final polls understated Democrats by 4.2 points
We took each pollster’s last poll of every race it surveyed in the final 21 days, 526 polls from 121 pollsters across 128 contests, and held it to the official count. Of the 494 that missed in one direction in a race between a Democrat and a Republican, 411 had Democrats doing worse than they did. The polls still named the right leader 84% of the time (508 polls in races that have been called).
- Final polls scored
- 526
- Average miss
- 5.3
- Leaned
- R+4.2
- Leader won
- 84%
Scored against the official counts as they stood at Nov 13, 5:39 PM EST. At that point 22 of the 506 Senate, governor and House races were still being counted and 3 were certified. 48 of the 526 polls here are of a race or a national vote still being counted, so these figures can still move a little. What is provisional
Every final poll, against the result
- Poll was more Republican than the result
- More Democratic than the result
- Top two were not a Democrat and a Republican
National House vote30 polls · average miss 5.1 · leaned R+5.1
Senate201 polls · average miss 5.0 · leaned R+4.3
Governor196 polls · average miss 5.5 · leaned R+4.1
House districts99 polls · average miss 5.6 · leaned R+3.8
After 2020, the error turned around
In 2020 the final polls of Senate, governor and House races ran D+5.9 against the results (317 polls). In 2022 they ran R+1.0 (431 polls), and this year R+4.2 (496 polls). That is the direction an over-correction takes. The figures cannot say why: a pollster who adjusted toward Republicans and one who simply reached too few Democrats look the same here.
- 2014416 pollsD+3.15.1
- 2016275 pollsD+3.75.3
- 2018452 pollsD+0.14.5
- 2020317 pollsD+5.96.3
- 2022431 pollsR+1.04.4
- 2024176 polls · presidential polls only; the file has no 2024 Senate, governor or House pollsD+2.42.7
- 2026496 pollsR+4.25.2
Final polls of Senate, governor and House races and the national House vote, between a Democrat and a Republican: each pollster's last poll of a race in the final three weeks. Earlier years come from the site's graded history, which leaves out pollsters with fewer than five graded polls in all; 2026 includes every pollster. Earlier years: Historical polling rows from FiveThirtyEight / ABC News plus CTM's governed supplement.
This year no way of polling escaped it. By how the poll was conducted, as the New York Times table records it, and by who was counted:
- Not recorded182 pollsR+4.25.0
- Text or email to web only88 pollsR+5.26.1
- Live phone mixed with other modes81 pollsR+3.56.2
- Online opt-in only61 pollsR+5.45.6
- Live phone only41 pollsR+2.43.4
- Automated phone (IVR) alone or mixed30 pollsR+4.24.3
- Online opt-in mixed with text or panel24 pollsR+4.04.8
- Probability panel only16 pollsR+2.45.6
- Other mixes3 pollsD+2.08.3
- Likely voters510 pollsR+4.25.3
- Registered voters9 pollsR+5.55.6
- All adults6 pollsD+1.79.0
- Voters1 pollR+1.91.9
The ranking
Avg. miss is how far a pollster’s margins were from the results, in points. Leaned is the party its polls favored compared with the results. Vs. field compares each of its polls with the other pollsters’ final polls of the same race, so nobody is marked down for polling races everyone got wrong. Score is that figure pulled toward zero when a pollster has few polls; lower is better, zero is an average pollster. Select a pollster for every poll behind its row.
121 pollsters. Ranks go to pollsters with 5 or more final polls; the rest are scored and listed below them.
| 1 | Public Policy Pollingpartisan sponsors | 16 | 2.8 | R+1.1 | 75% | −3.1 | −2.4 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2 | Survey 160 | 8 | 1.9 | R+1.6 | 100% | −2.3 | −1.4 |
| 3 | The New York Times/Siena College | 28 | 3.4 | R+2.4 | 92% | −1.3 | −1.1 |
| 4 | New River Strategies/GS Strategy Group | 6 | 3.8 | R+3.4 | 83% | −1.8 | −1.0 |
| 5 | CNN/SSRS | 9 | 3.6 | R+3.3 | 78% | −1.5 | −1.0 |
| 6 | AtlasIntel | 20 | 3.5 | R+1.8 | 100% | −1.0 | −0.8 |
| 7 | Data for Progress | 9 | 3.6 | R+3.7 | 83% | −1.1 | −0.7 |
| 8 | Emerson College | 24 | 5.3 | R+3.6 | 83% | −0.6 | −0.5 |
| 9 | RedBox Researchpartisan sponsors | 35 | 5.0 | R+4.9 | 82% | −0.4 | −0.4 |
| 10 | On Point Polling | 19 | 4.3 | R+1.9 | 79% | −0.4 | −0.3 |
| 11 | National Public Affairspartisan sponsors | 5 | 4.6 | R+4.0 | 100% | −0.6 | −0.3 |
| 12 | Verasight | 5 | 5.6 | R+5.6 | 80% | −0.3 | −0.2 |
| 13 | Echelon Insights | 13 | 5.0 | R+4.6 | 88% | −0.1 | −0.1 |
| 14 | YouGov | 19 | 5.2 | R+4.6 | 87% | +0.2 | +0.1 |
| 15 | DCCC Targeting Teampartisan sponsors | 7 | 6.0 | R+3.8 | 64% | +0.4 | +0.2 |
| 16 | Quantus Insights | 9 | 8.7 | R+10.2 | 56% | +0.5 | +0.3 |
| 17 | ActiVote | 15 | 6.6 | R+6.5 | 87% | +0.5 | +0.4 |
| 18 | University of New Hampshire Survey Center | 14 | 5.7 | R+2.0 | 89% | +0.7 | +0.6 |
| 19 | Research Co. | 21 | 5.9 | R+5.5 | 95% | +0.7 | +0.6 |
| 20 | HarrisX | 6 | 6.0 | R+5.6 | 67% | +1.1 | +0.6 |
| 21 | Rasmussen Reports | 16 | 5.2 | R+5.2 | 80% | +0.9 | +0.7 |
| 22 | Beacon Research/Shaw & Company Research (Fox News) | 6 | 7.2 | R+7.2 | 67% | +1.5 | +0.8 |
| 23 | Marist University | 8 | 5.9 | R+5.9 | 94% | +1.6 | +0.9 |
| 24 | InsiderAdvantage | 13 | 5.9 | R+5.9 | 75% | +1.5 | +1.1 |
| 25 | USC Democracy and Fair Elections Lab | 7 | 9.4 | R+12.5 | 100% | +2.6 | +1.6 |
| 26 | Trafalgar Grouppartisan sponsors | 8 | 7.3 | R+7.3 | 50% | +2.9 | +1.8 |
| 27 | Targoz Market Research | 7 | 8.3 | R+8.3 | 86% | +3.8 | +2.3 |
| 28 | Concord Public Opinion Partnerspartisan sponsors | 9 | 9.4 | D+5.2 | 56% | +4.9 | +3.1 |
| — | co/efficient | 4 | 6.3 | R+6.3 | 75% | +3.0 | +1.3 |
| — | Grayhousepartisan sponsors | 4 | 5.2 | R+6.2 | 75% | +0.1 | 0.0 |
| — | Saint Anselm College | 4 | 6.1 | R+6.1 | 100% | +0.9 | +0.4 |
| — | Suffolk University | 4 | 3.4 | R+3.4 | 100% | −1.0 | −0.4 |
| — | The Washington Post/George Mason University Schar School of Policy and Government | 4 | 7.5 | R+2.9 | 75% | +2.4 | +1.1 |
| — | UMass Lowell | 4 | 2.8 | R+2.5 | 100% | −2.9 | −1.3 |
| — | VoteNexuspartisan sponsors | 4 | 8.9 | D+3.8 | 100% | +3.5 | +1.5 |
| — | Barbara Jordan Public Policy Research and Survey Center | 3 | 12.6 | R+12.6 | 67% | +4.9 | +1.8 |
| — | Big Data Poll | 3 | 2.5 | R+2.5 | 100% | −1.3 | −0.5 |
| — | Change Researchpartisan sponsors | 3 | 4.6 | R+4.6 | 67% | −0.6 | −0.3 |
| — | Cygnal | 3 | 6.0 | R+6.0 | 100% | +0.7 | +0.3 |
| — | Global Strategy Grouppartisan sponsors | 3 | 2.6 | D+2.2 | 83% | −2.2 | −0.8 |
| — | Keating Research, Inc. | 3 | 3.0 | R+3.0 | 100% | −4.5 | −1.7 |
| — | Kreate Strategiespartisan sponsors | 3 | 8.8 | R+8.8 | 67% | +0.8 | +0.3 |
| — | Mason-Dixon | 3 | 2.9 | D+3.3 | 100% | −6.8 | −2.6 |
| — | Montana State University Billings | 3 | 11.5 | D+14.0 | 100% | +5.6 | +2.1 |
| — | State Navigate | 3 | 4.0 | R+1.6 | 100% | −1.9 | −0.7 |
| — | SurveyUSA | 3 | 4.4 | R+4.4 | 100% | −1.2 | −0.5 |
| — | Workbench Strategypartisan sponsors | 3 | 2.0 | D+2.0 | 67% | −1.9 | −0.7 |
| — | Alaska Survey Research | 2 | 0.9 | R+0.9 | — | −1.8 | −0.5 |
| — | Blueprint Pollingpartisan sponsors | 2 | 1.1 | D+1.1 | 100% | −7.0 | −2.0 |
| — | East Carolina University Center for Survey Research | 2 | 9.5 | R+9.5 | 50% | +3.1 | +0.9 |
| — | GBAOpartisan sponsors | 2 | 8.5 | R+9.7 | 0% | +1.4 | +0.4 |
| — | Glengariff Group | 2 | 2.3 | R+2.3 | 100% | −0.6 | −0.2 |
| — | Hart Research Associates/Public Opinion Strategies | 2 | 5.2 | R+5.2 | 100% | −0.3 | −0.1 |
| — | Hendrix College | 2 | 3.3 | R+0.5 | 100% | −2.0 | −0.6 |
| — | Impact Researchpartisan sponsors | 2 | 3.9 | R+3.5 | 100% | −1.5 | −0.4 |
| — | John Zogby Strategies | 2 | 6.4 | R+6.4 | 100% | +2.6 | +0.7 |
| — | Michigan State University Institute for Public Policy and Social Research/YouGov | 2 | 3.1 | R+1.4 | 100% | +0.3 | +0.1 |
| — | Michigan State University Office for Survey Research/Verasight | 2 | 1.4 | D+0.8 | 100% | −1.5 | −0.5 |
| — | Mitchell Research & Communications | 2 | 2.9 | R+2.9 | 100% | +0.1 | 0.0 |
| — | Noble Predictive Insights | 2 | 7.4 | R+7.4 | 75% | +2.2 | +0.6 |
| — | Pollfinity | 2 | 6.6 | R+6.6 | 100% | −2.4 | −0.7 |
| — | Resonance Media Services | 2 | 3.4 | R+3.4 | 100% | −1.9 | −0.5 |
| — | Slingshot Strategies | 2 | 9.1 | R+9.1 | 50% | +0.2 | +0.1 |
| — | St. Pete Polls | 2 | 1.2 | R+1.2 | 100% | −2.0 | −0.6 |
| — | Stetson University Center for Public Opinion Research | 2 | 2.9 | R+2.9 | 100% | −0.2 | −0.1 |
| — | The Alabama Poll | 2 | 9.8 | R+9.8 | 100% | +6.1 | +1.7 |
| — | The Citadel Poll | 2 | 7.0 | R+7.0 | 50% | +2.2 | +0.6 |
| — | The Political Matrix/The Listener Group | 2 | 1.7 | R+1.7 | 100% | −1.6 | −0.4 |
| — | University of Georgia | 2 | 9.9 | R+9.9 | 50% | +1.2 | +0.3 |
| — | University of Houston Hobby School of Public Affairs | 2 | 10.1 | R+10.1 | 50% | +1.3 | +0.3 |
| — | University of North Florida | 2 | 0.9 | R+0.9 | 100% | −2.4 | −0.7 |
| — | Victory Insights | 2 | 6.3 | R+6.3 | 100% | +2.5 | +0.7 |
| — | YouGov Blue | 2 | 4.1 | R+4.1 | 100% | −5.0 | −1.4 |
| — | A2 Insights | 1 | 9.1 | R+9.1 | 100% | +0.3 | +0.1 |
| — | Bedrock Polling | 1 | 5.8 | R+5.8 | 100% | +0.8 | +0.1 |
| — | Center for Strategic Politicspartisan sponsors | 1 | 6.5 | R+6.5 | 100% | +0.9 | +0.1 |
| — | Clarity Campaign Labs | 1 | 5.8 | R+5.8 | 100% | +0.8 | +0.1 |
| — | Cor Strategiespartisan sponsors | 1 | 8.1 | R+8.1 | 100% | −0.7 | −0.1 |
| — | David Binder Researchpartisan sponsors | 1 | 5.6 | — | — | −0.1 | 0.0 |
| — | Focaldata | 1 | 6.4 | R+6.4 | 100% | +1.3 | +0.2 |
| — | Franklin & Marshall College | 1 | 0.6 | D+0.6 | 100% | −1.0 | −0.2 |
| — | GOTV Polling | 1 | 1.9 | R+1.9 | 100% | −10.8 | −1.8 |
| — | Guidant Polling and Strategypartisan sponsors | 1 | 5.8 | R+5.8 | 100% | +3.0 | +0.5 |
| — | Harper Polling | 1 | 9.4 | R+9.4 | 100% | +1.0 | +0.2 |
| — | HarrisX/Harris Poll | 1 | 9.8 | R+9.8 | 100% | +4.9 | +0.8 |
| — | Hart Research Associatespartisan sponsors | 1 | 1.8 | D+1.8 | 50% | −3.3 | −0.5 |
| — | High Point University | 1 | 5.7 | R+5.7 | 100% | −3.3 | −0.6 |
| — | HighGround | 1 | 1.0 | R+1.0 | 100% | −6.9 | −1.1 |
| — | Ipsos | 1 | 5.8 | R+5.8 | 100% | +0.8 | +0.1 |
| — | Lake Research Partnerspartisan sponsors | 1 | 12.9 | R+12.9 | 100% | +5.3 | +0.9 |
| — | Leger | 1 | 7.8 | R+7.8 | 100% | +2.8 | +0.5 |
| — | Lincoln Park Strategiespartisan sponsors | 1 | 1.8 | D+1.8 | 50% | −3.3 | −0.5 |
| — | Marquette University Law School | 1 | 1.0 | R+1.0 | 100% | −3.0 | −0.5 |
| — | McLaughlin & Associates | 1 | 15.5 | R+15.5 | 100% | +8.7 | +1.5 |
| — | Morning Consult | 1 | 5.9 | R+5.9 | 100% | +0.8 | +0.1 |
| — | Muhlenberg College | 1 | 6.4 | R+6.4 | 100% | −0.9 | −0.2 |
| — | National Researchpartisan sponsors | 1 | 11.7 | R+11.7 | 0% | +10.3 | +1.7 |
| — | Normington, Petts & Associatespartisan sponsors | 1 | 8.9 | R+8.9 | 100% | −1.5 | −0.3 |
| — | OnMessage Inc.partisan sponsors | 1 | 15.5 | R+15.5 | 100% | +8.8 | +1.5 |
| — | Patinkin Research Strategiespartisan sponsors | 1 | 0.5 | D+0.5 | 100% | −4.8 | −0.8 |
| — | Peak Insightspartisan sponsors | 1 | 4.1 | — | 100% | −1.0 | −0.2 |
| — | Pennsylvania State University McCourtney Institute for Democracy/YouGov | 1 | 9.8 | R+9.8 | 100% | +4.9 | +0.8 |
| — | Public Opinion Strategiespartisan sponsors | 1 | 4.0 | — | 100% | −5.8 | −1.0 |
| — | Public Policy Institute of California | 1 | 7.2 | R+7.2 | 100% | −0.9 | −0.2 |
| — | Quinnipiac University | 1 | 5.9 | R+5.9 | 100% | −2.7 | −0.5 |
| — | Remington Research Group | 1 | 9.5 | R+9.5 | 0% | +3.9 | +0.7 |
| — | RMG Research | 1 | 2.8 | R+2.8 | 100% | −2.3 | −0.4 |
| — | SEA Pollingpartisan sponsors | 1 | 0.5 | R+0.5 | 50% | −5.1 | −0.9 |
| — | Siena University | 1 | 5.9 | R+5.9 | 100% | −2.7 | −0.5 |
| — | Spry Strategies | 1 | 9.0 | R+9.0 | 100% | −0.2 | 0.0 |
| — | Tarrance Grouppartisan sponsors | 1 | 16.5 | R+16.5 | 100% | +3.5 | +0.6 |
| — | The Argument/Verasight | 1 | 3.0 | R+3.0 | 100% | −2.1 | −0.4 |
| — | The Honest Poll | 1 | 0.8 | R+0.8 | 100% | −4.4 | −0.7 |
| — | TIPP Insightspartisan sponsors | 1 | 3.8 | R+3.8 | 100% | −1.3 | −0.2 |
| — | TrueDot | 1 | 11.2 | R+11.2 | 100% | +3.7 | +0.6 |
| — | Tufts | 1 | 1.8 | R+1.8 | 100% | −3.4 | −0.6 |
| — | Tulchin Researchpartisan sponsors | 1 | 5.6 | D+5.6 | 0% | 0.0 | 0.0 |
| — | University of California Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies | 1 | 4.2 | R+4.2 | 100% | −4.4 | −0.7 |
| — | Upswing Researchpartisan sponsors | 1 | 2.0 | R+2.0 | 100% | −0.8 | −0.1 |
| — | Wedgewood Polls | 1 | 4.8 | R+4.8 | 0% | −0.3 | −0.1 |
| — | Wick | 1 | 4.9 | R+4.9 | 100% | +2.9 | +0.5 |
Who saw the wave, and who missed it
The 28 ranked pollsters, from the one whose final polls ran most Democratic against the results to the one whose polls ran most Republican. 27 of the 28 leaned Republican. The number before each name is its rank.
- 28Concord Public Opinion PartnersD+5.29.4
- 1Public Policy PollingR+1.12.8
- 2Survey 160R+1.61.9
- 6AtlasIntelR+1.83.5
- 10On Point PollingR+1.94.3
- 18University of New Hampshire Survey CenterR+2.05.7
- 3The New York Times/Siena CollegeR+2.43.4
- 5CNN/SSRSR+3.33.6
- 4New River Strategies/GS Strategy GroupR+3.43.8
- 8Emerson CollegeR+3.65.3
- 7Data for ProgressR+3.73.6
- 15DCCC Targeting TeamR+3.86.0
- 11National Public AffairsR+4.04.6
- 14YouGovR+4.65.2
- 13Echelon InsightsR+4.65.0
- 9RedBox ResearchR+4.95.0
- 21Rasmussen ReportsR+5.25.2
- 19Research Co.R+5.55.9
- 12VerasightR+5.65.6
- 20HarrisXR+5.66.0
- 24InsiderAdvantageR+5.95.9
- 23Marist UniversityR+5.95.9
- 17ActiVoteR+6.56.6
- 22Beacon Research/Shaw & Company Research (Fox News)R+7.27.2
- 26Trafalgar GroupR+7.37.3
- 27Targoz Market ResearchR+8.38.3
- 16Quantus InsightsR+10.28.7
- 25USC Democracy and Fair Elections LabR+12.59.4
The polls that looked too Democratic
Some late polls in Texas and Kansas showed Democratic leads large enough to be read as outliers. Across the 29 contests polled by five or more pollsters (349 polls), the most Democratic final poll was closer to the result than the average of the polls in 19, and was the closest poll of all in 15. Sorting each contest’s polls into thirds by how Democratic they were:
- Most Democratic third of each race's polls107 pollsR+1.12.8
- Middle third135 pollsR+4.54.8
- Most Republican third107 pollsR+7.67.6
Texas Senate25 final polls · average D+3.3 · result D+12.1
Nearest: YouGov Blue D+8.0, off by 4.1; The New York Times/Siena College D+7.1, off by 5.0; CNN/SSRS D+6.0, off by 6.1.
All 25 final polls had the Democrat doing worse than the count.
Texas governor20 final polls · average R+1.9 · result D+7.1
Nearest: YouGov Blue D+3.0, off by 4.1; AtlasIntel D+1.6, off by 5.5; The New York Times/Siena College D+1.5, off by 5.6.
All 20 final polls had the Democrat doing worse than the count.
Kansas Senate10 final polls · average D+3.4 · result D+5.1
Nearest: The New York Times/Siena College D+5.1, off by 0.0; Survey 160 D+6.0, off by 0.9; CNN/SSRS D+4.0, off by 1.1.
4 of the 10 final polls had the Democrat doing better than the count; the other 6 had the Democrat doing worse. The most Democratic, The Washington Post/George Mason University Schar School of Policy and Government at D+9.0, was off by 3.9.
Kansas governor10 final polls · average R+0.8 · result D+0.7
Nearest: Survey 160 D+1.0, off by 0.3; The New York Times/Siena College D+0.4, off by 0.3; Global Strategy Group Even, off by 0.7.
3 of the 10 final polls had the Democrat doing better than the count; the other 7 had the Democrat doing worse. The most Democratic, The Washington Post/George Mason University Schar School of Policy and Government at D+6.0, was off by 5.3.
Each dot is one pollster’s final poll. The solid line is the result and the dashed line the average of the polls. Red dots were more Republican than the result, blue more Democratic.
Partisan and campaign polls, scored apart
A poll paid for by a campaign, a party or an allied group is usually published because its sponsor likes the number. 120 of the 526 final polls had such a sponsor. They are in every figure on this page and marked on each pollster’s page; here they are separated.
- No partisan sponsor406 pollsR+4.55.3
- Democratic sponsor57 pollsR+0.14.7
- Republican sponsor25 pollsR+7.47.2
- Other political sponsor38 pollsR+4.55.7
The poll’s leader won in 87% of 392 with no partisan sponsor; 69% of 54 with democratic sponsor; 80% of 25 with republican sponsor; 81% of 37 with other political sponsor, counting called races.
The national polls
Democratic House candidates have 56.2% of the votes in our counts and Republicans 42.3%, a margin of D+13.8 over 117,941,629 votes in all 435 districts. That is our own sum of the official district counts, not another outlet’s tally. In the 415 districts that have been called, about 97% of the expected vote is counted; 20 districts are not called, and 18 had no Democrat or no Republican on the ballot. Each pollster’s last national poll, closest first (30 polls):
- 1AtlasIntelNov 1 · LV · 3,566D+14.10.3
- 2On Point PollingOct 28 · LV · 672D+13.10.7
- 3The Honest PollOct 29 · LV · 1,158D+13.00.8
- 4Big Data PollOct 30 · LV · 3,214D+12.31.5
- 5TuftsOct 27 · LV · 499D+12.01.8
- 5VerasightOct 19 · LV · 1,824D+12.01.8
- 7Change ResearchOct 18 · RV · 2,240D+11.02.8
- 7RMG ResearchOct 13 · LVD+11.02.8
- 9The Argument/VerasightOct 23 · LV · 1,549D+10.83.0
- 10The New York Times/Siena CollegeOct 19 · LV · 3,494D+10.53.3
- 11CNN/SSRSOct 18 · RV · 1,206D+10.03.8
- 11Emerson CollegeOct 26 · LV · 1,000D+10.03.8
- 11TIPP InsightsOct 30 · LV · 1,158D+10.03.8
- 14YouGovOct 30 · LV · 3,908D+9.04.8
- 15CygnalOct 24 · LV · 1,500D+8.45.4
- 16Bedrock PollingOct 20 · RV · 1,279D+8.05.8
- 16Clarity Campaign LabsOct 21 · LV · 1,016D+8.05.8
- 16IpsosNov 2 · LV · 1,212D+8.05.8
- 16Marist UniversityOct 20 · LV · 1,289D+8.05.8
- 20Morning ConsultNov 1 · LV · 16,929D+7.95.9
- 21FocaldataNov 1 · LV · 2,090D+7.46.4
- 22ActiVoteOct 30 · LV · 2,000D+7.06.8
- 22Hart Research Associates/Public Opinion StrategiesOct 30 · RV · 1,000D+7.06.8
- 24John Zogby StrategiesNov 2 · LV · 1,001D+6.07.8
- 24LegerOct 25 · A · 1,037D+6.07.8
- 24Rasmussen ReportsOct 28 · LV · 1,442D+6.07.8
- 27Echelon InsightsOct 23 · LV · 2,907D+5.08.8
- 28HarrisX/Harris PollOct 26 · LVD+4.09.8
- 28Pennsylvania State University McCourtney Institute for Democracy/YouGovOct 20 · LV · 724D+4.09.8
- 30Targoz Market ResearchOct 22 · LV · 1,118D+3.010.8
On Point Polling, which asked us to score its final national poll, is the shaded row: number 2 of 30, 0.7 off. Its other claims are checked below.
The whole field
| Race type | Polls | Races | Avg. miss | Leaned | Too R / too D | Leader won |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| National House vote | 30 | 1 | 5.1 | R+5.1 | 29 / 1 | 100% of 30 |
| Senate | 201 | 27 | 5.0 | R+4.3 | 154 / 26 | 85% of 194 |
| Governor | 196 | 32 | 5.5 | R+4.1 | 161 / 34 | 83% of 192 |
| House districts | 99 | 68 | 5.6 | R+3.8 | 67 / 22 | 81% of 92 |
| All | 526 | 128 | 5.3 | R+4.2 | 411 / 83 | 84% of 508 |
| All, without partisan-sponsored polls | 406 | 89 | 5.3 | R+4.5 | 336 / 51 | 87% of 392 |
| Polls with a Democratic sponsor | 57 | 45 | 4.7 | R+0.1 | 24 / 27 | 69% of 54 |
| Polls with a Republican sponsor | 25 | 21 | 7.2 | R+7.4 | 21 / 1 | 80% of 25 |
Averaging the final polls of a race did not cancel the miss. The simple average of final polls was off by 5.3 points across 128 contests, and in 93 of the 117 between a Democrat and a Republican it had Democrats too low.
| Mode | Polls | Races | Avg. miss | Leaned | Too R / too D | Leader won |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Not recorded | 182 | 82 | 5.0 | R+4.2 | 145 / 32 | 83% of 172 |
| Text or email to web only | 88 | 61 | 6.1 | R+5.2 | 69 / 9 | 85% of 87 |
| Live phone mixed with other modes | 81 | 45 | 6.2 | R+3.5 | 56 / 17 | 81% of 81 |
| Online opt-in only | 61 | 30 | 5.6 | R+5.4 | 55 / 6 | 87% of 61 |
| Live phone only | 41 | 36 | 3.4 | R+2.4 | 29 / 8 | 95% of 38 |
| Automated phone (IVR) alone or mixed | 30 | 22 | 4.3 | R+4.2 | 28 / 2 | 83% of 29 |
| Online opt-in mixed with text or panel | 24 | 20 | 4.8 | R+4.0 | 17 / 4 | 79% of 21 |
| Probability panel only | 16 | 15 | 5.6 | R+2.4 | 11 / 4 | 91% of 16 |
| Other mixes | 3 | 3 | 8.3 | D+2.0 | 1 / 1 | 100% of 3 |
| Population | Polls | Races | Avg. miss | Leaned | Too R / too D | Leader won |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Likely voters | 510 | 126 | 5.3 | R+4.2 | 399 / 80 | 84% of 493 |
| Registered voters | 9 | 6 | 5.6 | R+5.5 | 8 / 1 | 88% of 8 |
| All adults | 6 | 6 | 9.0 | D+1.7 | 3 / 2 | 100% of 6 |
| Voters | 1 | 1 | 1.9 | R+1.9 | 1 / 0 | 100% of 1 |
Where the averages missed most
| Contest | Polls | Poll average | Result | Off by |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| California 48th District | 3 | D+5.3 | D+19.5 | 14.2 |
| South Dakota governor | 3 | R+16.2 | R+27.0 | 10.8 |
| Texas 35th District | 3 | D+1.0 | D+10.9 | 9.9 |
| Tennessee governor | 3 | R+11.6 | R+2.5 | 9.1 |
| Texas governor | 20 | R+1.9 | D+7.1 | 9.0 |
| Georgia Senate | 6 | D+9.2 | D+18.1 | 8.9 |
| Colorado governor | 4 | D+19.0 | D+27.9 | 8.9 |
| Georgia governor | 8 | R+0.1 | D+8.7 | 8.8 |
Did pollsters huddle?
Polls of the same race should disagree at least as much as sampling error predicts. If they agree more than that, someone is adjusting toward the pack. In the 31 contests polled by five or more pollsters (355 polls), final margins spread 3.6 points around their average where sample sizes alone predict 3.5: a ratio of 1.03, so the field as a whole shows no sign of it. By pollster, for those with 8 or more comparable polls, the same ratio (under 1 is closer to the others than sampling predicts), closest-clustered first:
- Research Co.0.4710
- YouGov0.6512
- On Point Polling0.6710
- Rasmussen Reports0.6810
- Echelon Insights0.7010
- InsiderAdvantage0.859
- RedBox Research0.9311
- Emerson College0.958
- The New York Times/Siena College1.0619
- AtlasIntel1.1713
On Point Polling's accuracy claims, checked
On Point Polling asked to be scored. Its 19 final polls are in the tables above: average miss 4.3, leaned R+1.9, rank 10 of 28. Its forecast is not a poll and is checked separately here, from the files it committed to a public repository at 13:58 UTC on Election Day, nine hours before the first polls closed, and from its post on X half an hour before they closed. Our counts are not final.
Each entry gives a claim the firm made to us or on its own accuracy page, what we found, and where. A claim is marked partly confirmed when the firm’s number rests on a count read on November 4 or on its own grading rule, and ours differs.
Final national poll: Democrats +13.1 among likely voters
Confirmed. The release, posted October 29 at 01:16 UTC after one day in the field (October 28, 1,170 registered voters online), has likely voters at 55.0 to 41.9 once leaners are included. The same release has 52.5 to 40.5 before leaners and 53.1 to 41.6 among registered voters.
The House vote is 13.2 points with 93 percent counted (RealClearPolitics)
A different yardstick. We do not use another outlet's tally. Adding up the official counts in all 435 districts gives Democrats 56.2, Republicans 42.3: D+13.8 on 117,941,629 votes, with 20 districts not called and about 97 percent of the expected vote counted in the rest. On Point's own accuracy page uses a projected D+13.0, not a count.
The closest of 42 final national polls
Not confirmed. Against our count it is number 2 of the 30 final national polls we have, 0.7 off. AtlasIntel (D+14.1) is 0.3 off. Next is The Honest Poll (D+13.0), 0.8 off. The order at the top depends on where the count ends. We count one final poll per pollster in the last 21 days, which is why we have 30 and not 42. On Point's own page ranks itself first on a score that also uses each party's share, against a projected D+13.0.
State polls named 14 of 18 winners
Confirmed. Its 18 final state and district polls: in the 18 races that are called the poll's leader won 14 and lost 4 (Nebraska Senate, Kansas governor, Texas governor, Nebraska 1st District). Counting leaders, that is 14 of 18. 4 of the 18 were paid for by the Nebraska Democratic Party.
The forecast called 476 of 506 federal and governor races
Partly. The frozen forecast has a favorite in all 506 races. On our counts the favorite won 458 of the 484 races that are called and leads in 12 of the 19 that are not: 470 of 503, or 473 if a seat counts as right when the favored party holds it. 3 districts have no usable count. On Point's 476 was read on November 4 and, as its own review says, counts leaders in unfinished races.
Frozen forecast, committed Nov. 3, 13:58 UTC · On Point's review
All 315 Safe ratings were right
Partly. On Point defines a safe call as a race it gave a 95 percent chance or more. The frozen file has 324 such races; 321 have a usable count and 315 of those are called. 315 of the 315 went to the favored party. Not called, with the favorite behind: North Carolina 5th District. Called, between two candidates of one party, and the named favorite lost: California 34th District.
Frozen forecast, committed Nov. 3, 13:58 UTC · On Point's accuracy page
The closest House seat forecast, at 247 Democratic seats
Partly. The number is confirmed as published before the polls closed: On Point's post on X, created at 22:30 UTC on Election Day, 30 minutes before the first polls closed, gives the House as 247 Democrats and 188 Republicans, every race called for its favorite. That matches the frozen file, where the Democrat is ahead in 247 districts. The same file's simulations average 255.3 Democratic seats, and On Point's review cites a median of 254. On our counts Democrats have won 250 districts and lead in 12 more of the 20 not called, 262 in all, so 247 is 15 short. Whether that was the closest forecast is a comparison of forecasters, which this page does not make.
On Point's post on X, Nov. 3, 22:30 UTC · Frozen forecast, committed Nov. 3, 13:58 UTC · On Point's accuracy page
The legislative forecast called 80 of 83 chambers
Partly. The frozen file gives control odds for 87 chambers. Our counts settle 62 of them, and the party it favored took 61; it missed the Pennsylvania Senate. The other 25 are not settled in our counts. On Point grades itself on its district calls added up, on its own reading of the results, which is how it gets 80 of 83.
Frozen forecast, committed Nov. 3, 13:58 UTC · On Point's accuracy page
What we could not verify. Internet Archive captures of the forecast pages from November 2 and 3 are listed in its index but could not be opened (rate limit). The firm's own post on X, created 30 minutes before the first polls closed, states the seat counts it was publishing.
How this was scored
Which polls. General-election polls of the national House vote, Senate, governor and House district races. A pollster’s final poll of a race is its last one with a field end date from October 13, 2026 through Election Day. Earlier polls are not scored. A survey listed by more than one source, or under two names, is counted once. When a poll asked a race several ways we use likely voters before registered voters, then the version naming the most candidates on the ballot.
The yardstick. The two candidates with the most votes in the official count, in points of all votes cast. A poll’s error is its margin between those two minus the result’s. National polls are held to the national House vote described above.
Against the field. For every poll we take its miss minus the average miss of other pollsters’ final polls of the same race. A race needs two other pollsters for that; otherwise the comparison is the average miss for that race type. We also tested whether to credit pollsters for small samples or early field dates, across this year’s 426 comparable polls. Where the data supported it, a poll's expected miss is adjusted for its sample size and its distance from Election Day.
The score and the rank. A pollster’s average against the field is multiplied by N / (N + 5), N being its number of final polls, which pulls a short record toward zero. Pollsters with 5 or more final polls are ranked by that score: 28 of the 121 scored. A year when nearly every poll missed the same way rewards pollsters whose numbers ran more Democratic than their peers’; one election cannot tell method from luck.
Partisan polls. Polls paid for by a party, a campaign or an aligned group are scored like any other and marked on the pollster’s page. The table above shows the field with and without them.
Not polls. Race ratings and seat forecasts some pollsters publish are a different product and are not part of any score here. The forecasts are scored on a page of their own: how every 2026 forecast did.
What is provisional, and who is missing
Not called. 7 contests with scored polls have not been called; their polls are scored on the count so far and left out of “leader won”: Alaska governor, Alaska at large, Arizona 2nd District, California 4th District, Florida 27th District, Minnesota 1st District, Alaska Senate. The national House vote is also still being counted.
No usable count. 7 House districts cannot be scored from the counts we have (Florida 10th District, Louisiana 5th District, Louisiana 6th District, Massachusetts 2nd District, Massachusetts 5th District, Massachusetts 7th District, Wisconsin 2nd District).
The 50 most active pollsters. Counting every general-election poll of the cycle, 48 of the 50 most active pollsters released a final poll and are scored; 23 of them have enough final polls to be ranked. Not scored: Fabrizio Ward/Impact Research (18 polls, the last ending September 22, 2026); The Bullfinch Group (17 polls, the last ending October 6, 2026).
Polls the listings missed. We checked the final three weeks against pollsters’ own release pages and Wikipedia’s polling tables. 88 polls were in neither listing and were entered from the pollster’s release, each with its link on the pollster’s page: RedBox Research (35), On Point Polling (24), Rasmussen Reports (20), HarrisX (6), Keating Research (2), GOTV Polling (1). 2 more final-window polls were posted to the New York Times table after our archive’s last capture. Some pollsters’ sites could not be read, so this check is not exhaustive.
Final polls we could not score. YouGov, Florida Senate, ended October 15, 2026: does not name both of the top two finishers.
Results · Official counts from state and county election offices as published on Call the Map’s results pages, as published at Nov 13, 5:39 PM EST (data commit 89c2edda).
Polls · 2,617 general-election polls from 251 pollsters: the New York Times polling tables as of November 13, 2026, Call the Map’s poll archive as of November 3, 2026 for polls those tables do not list (165), and 88 entered from the pollster’s own release. Poll data via VoteHub, used under CC BY 4.0. Poll data from The New York Times, used under CC BY 4.0.
A pollster’s record in earlier elections is on its page under Pollsters. These scores describe 2026 and do not feed any forecast.
Part of The 2026 elections, analyzed: every analysis of the election, the forecasts and the polls in one place.